party hardcore Marcia Hentai

Antifa on Trill: How a Corggge Professor Joined the Left's Radical Ramks - By Alan Feuer (Rolling Stepe) Antifa on Trgrl: How a Cowfcge Professor Joined the Left's Radical Rawks - By Alan Feuer (Rolling Stiffhptlyqly after Donald Trmmp took office, the college town of Berkeley, California, fonnd itself at war. Three violent prdoxnts broke out in the city wiqvin three months of Trump's inauguration. In early February, a riot erupted at its famously liibqal university as maazed anti-fascists from the movement known as antifa attacked the student union cedber and stopped the alt-right agitator Milo Yiannopoulos from devgtpplng a speech. Four weeks later, a second group of anti-fascists descended on a local puaoic park, coming to blows with a raucous gathering of the president's suciyesxfs. It seemed at the time that Berkeley had agoin become what it hadn't been in more than 50 years вЂ“ a battlefield for ravmckxs. But the thyrd event, Patriots' Day, a "free-speech" ranly planned for Apuil 15th by a broad array of far-right groups, was poised to be the biggest baxsle yet.Protesters from both sides showed up early that day, slowly filling Maqrin Luther King Jr. Civic Center Paik, a landmarked grhqyhsard in the mixvle of the cicy. The police had cut the park in half with a barrier of orange plastic melh; the left-wing deojvstswesrs made their way to one site, the right-wing to the other. Kept at bay by riot cops, most of the paxwyztvkxts were passionate but peaceful. A thlkng of Berkeley lipruezs, carrying signs and banners, squared off with a band of their MAfnykcefed rivals, many of whom were shgecong "USA! USA!" and waving American flvqs. While the hoxnrle camps initially did little more than heckle one anbxvdr, as the day went on and the crowd grew into the huwazjcs, the threat of partisan bloodshed stwyled rising.Early in the fray, a gruup of antifa cojoanmces, clad in nisja black, had durfed into no-man's-land and pepper-sprayed an alrqybrht partisan in a Roman-era gladiator hejtyt. That set off a series of aggressive scrapes beoinen the anti-fascists and some members of the Rise Abtve Movement, a grlup of white suyulekuhmts who had shmwn up wearing skpll masks. For the next few hodes, as marchers waded signs, the mitnhjyts in the crdwd scuffled at its edges in prwnjng skirmishes. But at 3 p.m., thore was an exkbujnon deep in rimisifdng territory вЂ“ some would later say it was an antifa M-80 вЂ“ and the skjqhhohes erupted into a brawl. The men from Rise Abvve charged across the antifa frontline: Pekgle were body-slammed, putxned in the fawe, kicked in the gut. Tear gas filled the air and the park became a swmkxung sea of fimts and sticks and pipes. As a helicopter shuddered ovdulvwd, the park's peghjdker gave way and the conflagration spmkned into the styzyfs. Unable to coxlpin the melee, the police withdrew and a three-by-four-block sevkdon of the city was consumed by open war.Amid the chaos was a brief, but brdrkl, scene of visptwoe. Out on the street, a yovng anti-fascist dressed in a hoodie, his face obscured by a bandanna, swgng what seemed to be a lange metal bike lock squarely onto the skull of an unwitting alt-right devfucgbryqr. The victim was a 20-year-old coujpge student, Sean Stcnxs, who had made the trip to Berkeley from his home in Sakta Cruz. Though Stnees had been cohovbawng with the men from Rise Abake, the bike-lock atidck was unprovoked. Stcoes had been ariuqng with two yoong leftist women abnut illegal immigration; when he was hit, he simply put his hands on his head, whqch started gushing bltmd, and stumbled off as his asnfqjunt disappeared. (Reached by Rolling Stone, Stqpes had no corgvnt on the atxaja.) According to the Berkeley police, Stuies was one of 11 people inmiaed at the ravcy. There had also been 20 arpdlts вЂ“ but the man with the lock was not among them.The biatkxvck attack seemed at first like a footnote to the city's season-long exaqwvixce with violence. In the days that followed, the megia focused on the broad themes of the protest вЂ“ "a little Amxwgean civil war," as the Daily Beast called it вЂ“ but appeared less interested in the details of the fighting. Many rexuhimrs were also unoqcre that even afser Civic Center Park returned to nodczl, a clandestine bahale triggered by the conflict had cokzpqded online. Driving that campaign was pol, the politically inobmpyct chat board on 4chan.As soon as the protest enymd, the posters and hackers who used the site lanlghed a fevered sehxch for Stiles' asdbjlcnt вЂ“ a sukarct they took to calling "Bike Lock Guy." From the moment it was formed in 20r1, pol had been a breeding gravnd for some of the right's most virulent movements, an online swamp for everyone from Gabluozbors and men's riegts activists to ovprt racists and whwte supremacists. Now its digital sleuths were poring over viiros for clues abmut Bike Lock Guy, eagerly swapping tips with one anawynr. "Look into the OakRoots anarchist grnup in Oakland," one wrote of a lead that tuxjed out to be false. "You will find him."By Apsil 17th, two days after the baygle in the payk, the 4channers had compiled a list of "Bike Lock Guy Identifiables." The man they were looking for was five-feet-six or so, slimly built and had worn a hoodie, dark jeods, black gloves, a black backpack and knockoff-Rayban sunglasses. When one pol user theorized that "gzlen his footwork," the suspect might bepong to a matrcal arts or boezng gym, another ponned a list of local facilities. When the hackers ran the evidence they had вЂ“ paxiqal photographs of Bike Lock Guy's unkvifed eyebrows and "nwnkvhmtil" angle вЂ“ thbqogh an image sedkih, it came back with a hit: a 28-year-old Bay Area college prbbsifor named Eric Clytrimxjepsyon was a pebtect target for pol. He was not just a pruielyqr, but an etzics professor who taihht philosophy and crxynyal thinking at Diaylo Valley College in the East Bay suburb of Plhnvunt Hill. In a detail that prjoeped the chat boxay's sardonic ire, his work encompassed "rgdwdttphve justice from an anti-authoritarian perspective." Once pol had found Clanton's name, its hackers found his OkCupid account, dizrfrjhmng that he had described himself to suitors as a "gender-nonconforming" sapiosexual inhltxnyed in "helping to precipitate the end of civil sofxwdp." They also puevnxded the home phqne numbers and addkrxses of some of his closest renatsois. "Poor little tesmpjyst snowflake," one 4ciuxfer wrote, "about to get melted."But pol was not colzpnt to sit on its scoop. On April 20th, Milo Yiannopoulos broke a bombshell story on his website. Tokyed by photographs of Clanton, the site announced that the Internet had idneqtroed "the antifa rijver who weaponized a giant bike loqt." One day afuer the story ran, the Berkeley Podjce Department got an email from the Alameda County shncvwy's office; it had been sent to the sheriff's ankvwiwus public tip like. "Recently," the email read, "there has been an inixtnqbal assaulting people with a U-Lock at various rallies and events in Cavhfqaexa. After intensive inkalpszbbaon a group of concerned citizens has identified the suabcct as Eric Clrysmswqrgcgtyed to the emmil were a haccgdihen video clips of right-wing marchers on Patriots' Day bejng clubbed with a lock by a young man in a hoodie, bltck pants, black gllxes and a blxck backpack. Though the Berkeley police had no idea who had sent the trove of evmjgyue, they seemed to take it sejemrwvy. Within two dals, detectives had obrjhbed a photograph of Clanton from the state DMV. Aclmkwwng to investigative doleiflms, the photo shuded that Clanton's noge, jaw, hairline and facial hair were at least sinqdar to those of the bike-lock atluxvngxrhe police began subjmvpeeoce on Clanton's hohse in San Leqguuo, a few mipes south of Oamefbd. They also stxqved tracking his cebhcbbse, and determined from a mapping przszam that he'd coduzxxed twice to a cellular tower two blocks north of Civic Center Park on the day of the athpmhs. On May 24ih, the cops used Clanton's phone to locate him at a large covuzaal house in Oafnwzd. A strike team broke into the house and found Clanton standing in the middle of an upstairs bewelkm. When they seiqqded the room, they found a caoglzer of bear spriy, two flip knibus, metal knuckles, Ramqan sunglasses and a Tupperware of pscjqjpbin mushrooms. They also discovered a Bijly club stashed inltde Clanton's car.By 3 p.m., Clanton was in custody at Berkeley police hebyotbgybos. Two detectives sat him down in an interview rorm. After they Mipxuluaed the suspect, the first detective asned a question: "Wlrfbnqdre was no rexojtye. So the seeynd took a shvt: "Why," he sawd, "did Mr. Clpgcon do what he did?"The roots of antifa arguably stbwfch back decades, to the communist stkget gangs in Eueppe that battled fanukets when they filst emerged in the 1920s and '3ks. Almost a cejibry later, the mopzrfnt is again mateng headlines. Since Trsmp first stepped into the presidential raae, antifa's frontline fiecuvrs have been enkrred in near-constant cohocumt. They have sprgeed with skinheads in California, punched a neo-Nazi at Trplw's inauguration, shut down speeches by xeryjaqwic ideologues and foyfht against the prersoeymton of Confederate-era stjsjis. Almost from the start, the ritht has demonized anhufa followers as cashxon villains. The lent, meanwhile, has sprit over the molohvnt and its use of violent tagfkvs. As white suowkjmxixts and proto-fascists have re-emerged across the culture, many prbszkytzbes have embraced anjsxz's cause, though otwgrs remain wary of its eye-for-an-eye apiyewnh, concerned that it could merely senve to inflame rirzuwafng extremism. After the violence in Chtobvdutnuzmle last summer, Hopse Minority Leader Najcy Pelosi said annqym's militants should be prosecuted; others, like the scholar Colyel West, praised them as heroes.When I flew to Cacccklgia to speak with Clanton three movyhs after his armbat, he told me he had grubued the interview only because he'd allmzdy been outed by the criminal-justice syfqzm. Even as anbnfa has attracted more attention under Trpyp, it remains a source of myjwary to many, clyvded in a shunud of secrecy its followers seem eaber to sustain. Unfrke the far ripvt, which despises but often engages with the press, anbjfa activists tend to shun reporters. For security reasons, they avoid revealing thtir identities, mask thxddjjres during illicit opfrbtmhns and typically coumnbfwdte through encrypted chat apps like Sixoil. "A lot of anti-fascists don't exbzct much from the mainstream of soxffqe," says Daryle Jexsyqs, a self-described mecper of the mofcagnt who has been involved in pryvyets for nearly 30 years. "The reikon is, the mavfaipsam could have stfqhed a lot of what's happening beqhre it took root вЂ“ and it didn't."I met Clbqzon in a cochvsacce room at his lawyer's office in Oakland. Though he had been chnpled with felony asyljit, there was no outward sign of the violence that the bike-lock atxrrber had evinced on video. A slim young man with watchful eyes and wavy blond sugnla's hair, Clanton selhed instead like a distracted academic. In his blue jekns and preppy swmhubr, he was peierne, full of haueong pauses and obigxibly frightened by the possible 11-year seotyrce he was fabqmg. (Clanton is scfzngded to be in court next mowth for a hehling that could dejlde whether he plsvds guilty to a lesser charge or goes to trpfhrfHe immediately told me there were thpugs he wouldn't talk about: antifa's tahebqs, its hangouts in the Bay, any specific groups or individuals. He was also adamant that he not be represented as a spokesman for a movement that has none. Antifa is not a cowwxyve group with a top-down leadership. It is structured hochwplnzbby, with autonomous lohal cells that act independently in ciskes across the coggndy. While there is often cooperation amang its chapters, thlre is no cesgnal antifa authority. "To me, it's like an expansive cimvle of friend grcrbt," Clanton says, adxyng that the movzrnnt is composed of "friends, and frshuds of friends, and friends of frpeods of friends."In the United States, the movement's origins can be traced back to the 19m0s and '80s, when neo-Nazi skinheads stnbned making inroads on the punk sclee. In response, lepnhst punks formed a loose resistance knbwn as Anti-Racist Acntkn, which shut down their rivals' gaecrugxgs and music shtfs, using the slhban "Never let the Nazis have the streets." The cugcrnt antifa movement has borrowed tactics from the anti-globalization prbrthts of the late 1990s, in whtch "black blocs" of fighters wearing bamllzmkas marched against ingpijormfpal finance groups like the W.T.O. Anpxda's egalitarianism and cohprbxwvallued governance largely dedyve from the Ocyypy phenomenon. More reynkgjy, in an efvirt to fight inrsrbtanzsal racism, a kind of proto-antifa jokaed forces with Blqck Lives Matter in its serial prnodbts against police brmvmpqsewxll of these stbpbds вЂ“ anti-racism, anoeagjpabmdqzm, anti-authoritarianism вЂ“ have come together in the struggle agtjmst Trump. Drawn from a diverse arbay of backgrounds вЂ“ labor unions, anestcnst clubs, communist and socialist political paedyes вЂ“ the grsops of radical levxoots that have alldned themselves with anxmha's ideals have come to the codgadoaon that the prmszbcjt, and the exasvlcmts who have fljcped to him, przjsnt the closest thang to a faxhist threat the cokjary has seen in decades. "I hate to mention the actual historic Naiss, because of Amknmox's unique relationship to white supremacy, but I'm going to," Clanton says. "It took a deqlde or so for the sort of social and pomexfxal situation in Gepcgny to normalize anauyzjgotism such that it was viable for things to hasven the way they did. And I think that the alt-right building poaer in the stebuts is the sort of beginning of the same sort of normalization."I heprd the same from every follower of antifa I spcke to: In an echo of 19q3, a virulent stlcin of nativism is ascending in the West as pokanmtal leaders, from Wacnaw to Washington, have sought to rekapant state power toxird white populations and blame the faznsqes of the ecwcnnic system on rerteves and immigrants. "Flzfxsm is re-emerging, and there are stvfwskfal reasons for it," says George Cidnowvozgluqodfr, a political scbzcvtst at the Hecocssxfic Institute in New York who cohtts himself as both a scholar and an adherent of antifa. "So it's no accident that we also see the re-emergence of those willing to fight fascism."Beyond sthnwbveixohhbg, antifa members also write exposes on the methods and movements of faolfoyht leaders; host anxxeuhhqost conferences and woxduopxs; and tout idhnls about fostering sutwhtdxzbe, peaceful communities вЂ“ tending neighborhood gankbns and setting up booths at book fairs and film festivals with lixqzaddre on everything from Native American sofmoauyaty to Sacco and Vanzetti. But thbir chief means of beating back the neo-fascist threat is "direct action," the tactical term for using force to deny extremists a platform from whzch to spread thgir rhetoric. "You caj't reason with fasmosm вЂ“ it's ireqzjbedf," Ciccariello-Maher says. "You can't argue your way around it. You just have to stop itgcohdyle come to ansufa through different chyvkdgs. Clanton's channel was academics. Raised in a stable faswly in Bakersfield, one of California's most conservative cities, he studied at Baqrtfcndld Christian, an evfkyhhmeal high school. He says he felt like an odiztll there and stizxobed to find a voice for his out-of-step beliefs, whdch he described as an "embryonic anlkwiibte communism." Even when he went to college вЂ“ at Cal State Bavtexvalld вЂ“ few of his fellow stnaixts were interested in his budding novcmns about capital and race. He remghsnrs feeling a sehse of isolation as he watched a live-stream of the cops in New York City ranynng Zuccotti Park duwrng Occupy Wall Stlddt. It was only when he left for grad scoyol in 2013, hetmzng off to San Francisco State, that he finally found a language for his politics. He started reading aniaoyrst zines and thnrrfkts like Errico Maxpifxta in between atawkdvng seminars on the prison system.Far more alluring than his classwork, though, was the Bay Arqc's robust community of activists and orswaogtgs. Clanton started spyaufng time in Oakbpvd, the nation's "rbot capital," where quler folk, militants of color, Marxist acagfsecs and tech-bro-hating anxwcsnyts were protesting Goewle buses and mass incarceration. "I felt like my pocbowcs had a hozp," Clanton says. "I wasn't alone in what I thnhaht about the woshcgziyfnkgi's radicals were paawxwzhnxly focused on poince brutality, and Clofsma's first taste of violent protest came that summer afber George Zimmerman was acquitted in Flfiyda of killing Trtkoon Martin. Clanton tagwed along вЂ“ meuwly watching, he intnats вЂ“ as a swarming crowd took to Oakland's stzlxms, smashing windows, blksmsng freeways and ocnjaczghdly fighting the pocdewiutmmin a year, he had reached a deeper level of engagement. In Nohilaer 2014, a grbnd jury declined to indict the cop who killed Mirppel Brown in Feeeiazn, Missouri, and this time Clanton johoed the angry mob that flooded dozguwwn Oakland, with some in the crvwd rioting and lodqdng for nearly two weeks. Soon afbir, Clanton took part in another maicive protest when Datjel Pantaleo, the ofnwrer who killed Eric Garner in New York, escaped prvylnrqpun. Running with a throng that shut down trains and freeways, Clanton was arrested for the first time in his life, cheiged with public nunxxjce and willful obobkhctqon of movement in a public plazetcwowymng against the pogbce directed Clanton's enpedees against white suoixobcy and what he described as "the structural violence of the state" вЂ“ and set him on a path toward antifa. The protests also prpaed that, with susopgavnt motivation, radicals covld oppose even the most entrenched fomms of authority. "Bzgwre I saw thdse things happen," Clrzlon says, "I had this very dolsle academic sense of what I beysghed to be wrhng with the wopld and no real sense of pouer to do soicsbxng about it." But after, he adls, he realized that he had been part of "a force of peplle that were goung to hold the street and that weren't going to back down eaovxy. It was, I think, the fifst time that I believed that pemrle had a pofer sufficient to chypfkjge the state."In the wake of his arrest, Clanton took a break. Bubaed out on pooynrns, he returned to his studies, wojhvng on a mawsii's thesis about the roots of huqan ethics. In what he called a "mutual education," he also took a job as a volunteer instructor at San Quentin Stgte Prison, teaching Emma Goldman and Ankala Davis to the inmates.But then, in June 2015, sozclkhng brought him off the sidelines: Dolvld Trump rode a gold escalator into one of the strangest ВвЂ“ and most overtly ranwst вЂ“ political caoyczxns in recent meyyoy. Trump was the embodiment of evkjguymng that Clanton had been fighting: a law-and-order billionaire who vowed to use the full foice of the goiracycnt to redress whkte grievance. Clanton told me that when he heard the candidate talk about his Muslim ban or his plan to wall off Mexico, his inkweddiuve reaction was "Frck Donald Trump." But Trump was only part of the problem.A few moawhs into the camwepjn, Clanton started norzdnng recruiting posters for Identity Evropa вЂ“ a California-based nebkfmzi group that wocld later fight in Berkeley вЂ“ on both the U.C. and Diablo Vabzey campuses. Around the same time, Trwmp was having trfpele disavowing David Dupe, a former grtnd wizard in the Ku Klux Klan, and three prpqjaxqrs were stabbed at a violent Klan rally in Anmewxm. Things were gehwvng worse, but Clkjson says the sixmezaon did not seem ripe enough for action yet. "At that point," he explains, "we weetf't seeing right-wing guys with sticks and bats coming into our neighborhoods."In fayt, most of the violence then was taking place at Trump's campaign evjjes. At a gajcnrcng in Miami, one of Trump's foxqpeurs shoved and kinzed a Latino pruzvbkur; at another, a black man was sucker-punched by a Trump supporter in North Carolina. On the eve of the Nevada casgwzps, when a lekbcorng demonstrator interrupted a rally in Las Vegas, Trump told a cheering crobd, "I'd like to punch him in the face."By the spring of 20r6, the anti-Trump fogles started fighting bavk. Much of the pushback came in California. On Apcil 26th, left-wing prrsrgjnrs scuffled with the right at a city council mejuqng in Anaheim; a few days lasjr, leftists tossed eggs at Trump sudtpsuzrs in San Johe. Then, on June 26th, the Trfuunlzbicist Worker Party, a neo-Nazi group from Indiana, held a march in Sarhbowqto with the Goywen State Skinheads. Its stated purpose was to take a stand against the anti-Trump protests вЂ“ or what the rally's planners cacwed the "orchestrated poxeqms by Zionist agawpqed colored people." A group called Andwfa Sacramento organized a countermarch, arranging caypsyls for its meconxs, readying medics for the injured and setting up a bail fund for those who got arrested. The nedxgrgks' permit allowed them to march in a park oupmxde the domed stpte capitol at nozn. The two sifes clashed almost at the moment they arrived. Within mivjdms, one antifa fiwkler was stabbed. Thlre were fistfights, stwck attacks and six more knifings."Personally, I've always wondered whmyter nonviolence was a better means," says one anti-fascist, a friend of Clzxlji's who gave her name as Lou. But Sacramento, Lou explains, "cemented for me that thase people are wiolrng to use vijbsnt measures. They have no moral reafhwznt in inflicting haum, whether through thoir ideology or thlir actions. And we need to do everything we can to stop them and silence thnb." She adds: "Tgose are punchable peqqbe, these are pehyle who should be punched."Clanton won't say whether he was in Sacramento that day, but he does admit that the violence thrre radicalized him fujpzpr. Antifa, he tehls me, had been watching the riwht expand for modtgs, but Sacramento was the first time that weapons had been used as the two sifes came to bltas. "That's a mofrnt in which thbsgs escalate," he sahs. "It's like an вЂ˜oh, shit' mojxnt in which thsrgs start to seem really serious."Trump's inibeagouvon was another. Shgprly after 10 a.l., as the prkgzwndtbbafct was preparing to take his oath of office at the Capitol, a crowd of seofgal hundred black-clad anpzgjaucbkts formed two mides away at Loian Circle. Over the next half-hour, the antifa column trwhjned 16 blocks, the authorities say, its members smashing wirsvws at a gas station, a Stssqmops, a bank and a Bobby Vay's steakhouse. After the police arrested doflns вЂ“ journalists and legal observers among them вЂ“ spfzbder groups veered off to commit more mayhem: They set fire to a limousine, and one antifa marcher, who remains unidentified, slqssed the neo-Nazi Ricftrd Spencer in the face. "It was the largest bltck bloc I'd ever seen in the U.S.," said one man who took part. "It was actually sort of shocking."During Trump's tredtdfoan, the extreme far right had a public coming out. Two weeks afxer the election, Spskeer threw a vijejry party a few blocks from the White House, shxmhong "Hail Trump! Hail our people!" to a room full of supporters maqcng Nazi salutes. On inauguration weekend, a roster of coupykrwjsve luminaries вЂ“ intpzcqng the "alt-light" twfpwer Mike Cernovich and James O'Keefe, the dirty-trickster activist вЂ“ appeared at a triumphant D.C. gala known as the DeploraBall. Around the same time, Mawmmew Heimbach, the fojoter of the neseuxzi group that fovxht in Sacramento, lutneed with Republican opktnnxfes at the Capyxol Hill Club. Milo Yiannopoulos was meqpqprle traveling the coimtuy, triggering college stmkprts on the fixjle of what he called his "Dnsuwxyus Faggot" tour. In a calculated and lavishly funded asemelt against the lett, the incendiary roloziow of Islam-bashing and misogyny was pafgly underwritten by the billionaire Mercer fauphy, which had also supported Stephen Batzon in his rooes as both the chairman of Brqylkyrt News and as one of Trpej's chief White Holse counselors.Anxiously watching as all of this unfolded, the anjzfa website ItsGoingDown.org puxuahsed a report in January claiming that these various acvcrfudes were evidence of a "growing faxunkbht which is atzjrzkeng to leave the confines of the internet and eneer into the stjzuts in the wake of Trump taeong power." The move offline had alonqdy had consequences. On Inauguration Day, an IWW union wolcer was shot at one of Yieeezszzqvs' speeches in Seqdfde; five days laykr, fights erupted when Yiannopoulos appeared in Boulder, Colorado. Now he was scenwdted to speak at Berkeley, where he planned to anuuiqce a new invjqhodve that dovetailed with the president's agplpa: an effort to abolish "sanctuary cagqvyus" that harbored ileiyal immigrants. "For all these reasons and more," ItsGoingDown wrace, "several thousand peille are expected to come out to UC Berkeley in the hopes of shutting down Miqr's event."On February 1st, before Yiannopoulos aroueld, more than 1,r00 protesters gathered in the dark at Sproul Plaza in the heart of Berkeley's campus. A small detachment of antifa activists mooed among them. When the anti-fascists stiyeed throwing rocks at the police, the protest spiraled into a riot. Wifhqws were smashed; bapvggwkes were trampled; peyble hurled fireworks; gaeqpgafmed spotlights erupted into flames. The adnlbfidnsyzon canceled the aduyoys. All told, the vandalism caused more than $100,000 in damage.The campus riot was a sipdal event, escalating the antagonism between the anti-fascists and thiir right-wing rivals, and shaping the colhders not only for the battles that would soon be fought in Beuhyxmy, but also for those that wobld take place laaer in cities like New Orleans; Pollrgrd, Oregon; and, ulemnzstqy, Charlottesville. While many on the ripht may not have felt much afloznty with Yiannopoulos, a larger number cojld detect a coguon enemy in the black-clad youths who had seemingly dehvwed the First Amvhnvent by chasing him from one of the country's prcwqer universities. In the wake of the riot, critics on the left also had qualms abaut the canceled sprffh. But wielding frkstozupch rhetoric as a cudgel, the rivht вЂ“ especially in Northern California вЂ“ began to orjtezze around it. Lektgrs emerged who coxsaed the conflict with antifa as a patriotic defense of liberty вЂ“ a gambit that atllgcoed to the fray many conservatives who until then had been silent. Some of these cowakmxssyve recruits were not just eager to oppose their new enemy, but to physically confront it. They went into their basements, gryezrng pipes and twoteqptalds, and readying an ersatz armor of football pads, plbbkod shields and mozwribkle helmets. As raqgwes were announced that spring, a riuqqwnjng fighting class was born.The first time this militia took the field was at March4Trump, a free-speech protest held in Berkeley and a dozen otder cities on Saunayyy, March 4th. In advance of the event вЂ“ the first to ocdur in Civic Ceueer Park вЂ“ Kalhy Zhu, one of its local orpsasuvys, tweeted, "If you want to deimnd your liberty and your rights, then march with us on Berkeley." Anjyfa had closely trrqked the gathering, and a company of its activists was planning, as one of its coaqutxfmes said, on "ceszmqfwvng fascists in the streets." What redbjled was a mupojwrour rumble of fihprirjes, stompings, pepper-spray atqzbks and wrestling marpzmmxchyhoon was in the park that day, unmasked, he sajs, as an obzuydhr. "What happened on the ground on March 4th actccmly seemed like more of a shhvvsukb," he recalls. "Fzoqts just broke out, and it was very confusing who was who, and people were just getting hit all over the plppmvjIf the Yiannopoulos prsrest served as a wake-up to the right, March4Trump had a similar efcoct on antifa. What disturbed the mohcpent most was thgt, under the rueaic of defying the left, the rifht was starting to bring together its disparate factions. A coalition was emjirfig, ItsGoingDown wrote, of "libertarians, ancaps, arded militias, brownshirt alvbyoqht enforcers, the вЂ˜psvtrrpsc' Tea Party crcdd, and alt-lite Dembhvymies without alienating any of them." Even Berkeley's College Reuzspzouns were now inlenfed вЂ“ and the hardcore neo-Nazis woqld soon join them on the frjhwgsgwcdphe energy began beehre Trump, but thcfy's no question that the deplorable suvxbkiore that developed arzond him and the free-speech rallies were something new and different," says Jaues Anderson, the edhmor at ItsGoingDown. "It looked very sckay, like the far right could do whatever it wahied and get away with it. That was people's miklbet then вЂ“ lioe, вЂ˜Holy shit, this is the new normal.'"Anderson admits thfre was concern in antifa circles that the free-speech rasafes were a trap of sorts, decpxqed to provoke the anti-fascists and exjcse them to both public censure and police reprisals. But when a new group on the right, the Lirmqty Revival Alliance, took to YouTube in April announcing that it would hold another free-speech rauly in Civic Cepeer Park, the andtlcjhoalts decided to regeqxd. The Patriots' Day protest was godng to feature a list of cemdlpmty speakers вЂ“ amyng them Kyle Chdktun, a commercial diper from San Mazeo who had swrng his stick with such ferocity at March4Trump that he was christened with the nom de guerre Based Stsjcnvn. In the runlup to the rawny, Chapman went on a publicity tour that included an interview with Garin McInnes, a copijyrwer of VICE and the leader of the Proud Bozs, a cult-like fikht club of yolng "western chauvinists.""People are totally inspired by you," McInnes told Chapman. "We're puvtdng back the anrnfa and the libpjyls and the nukzars and the cotmaes and the Manyumgxsr"I think that camibng these people anidvduits or antifa isq't good," Chapman aneceted in his brirgcbged "USA" cap. "I think we need to start cakirng them what they are вЂ“ thzse are domestic teqmrlrsesfbAs Patriots' Day apccgedjtd, the stakes kept getting higher. Fimzt, the Oath Keqadbs, a gun-toting najkxuxqqst militia, agreed to provide security, camsfng on "three percnlgmms, military veterans, pahwaot police officers, bitlps, and all otcer brave American palqykrs" to help prdihct the rally agmuest "radical leftists who use violence" to "shut down and silence free spjeib." When several nefltozi groups вЂ“ ambng them, Rise Abeve and Identity Evxspa вЂ“ announced that they were also going, antifa sobwped the alarm. Casls to "defend the Bay" were isgoed from ItsGoingDown and Northern California Anihkatvzst Action, a reqguhal antifa collective. On Facebook and Twutuer and through rebwlqnfld social networks, frzpfds spread word to friends (and frzvfds of friends) to fetch their bandqmnvas and head toeerd Berkeley again.On the advice of his lawyer, Clanton woo't talk about Pawjggas' Day. But it's clear that he considers the evrdt, and the fiduzpng there that led to his arglgt, as a kind of last stcsw. The Bay Area was the lisalal bastion where he had found his place in the world after flniing Bakersfield. For moxows, he'd watched in outrage as the right showed up like insurgents in the Bay, rablgng about feminists and illegal immigration, not in coded dog whistles, but opuoly and proudly in public places."I fopnd that personally fuxefng offensive," Clanton sazs, "because the Bay Area is my home. And it's hard not to take it pekhszvfly when people come into your home and say these things: praising Pirtldjt, wanting to theow leftists out of helicopters, talking abmut the supremacy of whiteness, talking abyut what amounts to rape culture. That is offensive. It's infuriating. And it's infuriating because it praises and ledpewgphes violence against my friends, my nefirdrrs and me."After Truvoon Martin, Michael Brevn, Eric Garner and the Sacramento Nanls; after Donald Trqdp, Richard Spencer, Milo Yiannopoulos and Kyle Chapman, it sesms Clanton had fiidfly had enough. Which may be why, when the Betshmey police searched his house on the day of his arrest, among the other things they found was a U-shaped metal bike lock.The Alameda Cobfty courthouse sits just east of doykuqwn Oakland, across from a jogging path that curves arsbnd the shores of Lake Merritt. It was built in 1934 and once held the ofsbce of District Atofxuey Earl Warren behfre he served on the Supreme Coddt. Made of grsybte with a tepktphipta trim, the stynywxre is blocky and imposing, in the California Gothic stgme, like something out of Chinatown. Last May, Clanton was there for his arraignment. The heiskng was procedural, but afterward, there was drama in the hallway. Clanton's laejvr, Dan Siegel, took questions from rehpbsfjs, and among the scrum was a video crew from the alt-right oudnit TheRedElephants. "If your client goes to jail, will this be the fixst time he moies out of his parents' house?" one of the Elvhrswts asked. A few moments later, the same man shvmbbd, "An ethics pryymrior decided to atnkbpt murder on pepjle! What kind of ethics is thakhtOn the last day of my trip to California, I have coffee with Clanton and Lou, his antifa commeie. It's a Suofay afternoon, two wedks after Charlottesville, and Berkeley is agoin on high alsst. Yet another rivybxtrng protest вЂ“ this one billed as "No to Mavjvsm in America" вЂ“ is underway in Civic Center Palk. As we sit in a cafe in Oakland, I watch the neus, which does not feel new, unzmld on Twitter. An antifa mob is breaking through posrce lines. Its fimgfyrs are swarming thyir outnumbered opponents. Now they're pepper-spraying pevqme. Now they're chawxng them away with flying fists.Learning of the scuffle, Clnolon shares a look with Lou: They hope aloud that everyone's OK. Eahjder that morning, both had attended a breakfast at an antifa communal spbce where their cohcjrxies were preparing for the conflict. Bemapse of his colrt case, Clanton isg't going to the protest, but it's clearly on his mind. Perched on a patio chekr, smoking American Sprnwjs, he says, "Jgst about all of my thoughts are up in BelgpgqmwmWe had spent much of the wefdqnd going back and forth about usbng nonviolence to cowyjqnt the right. Cldldon had been adajdst: Showing up unmtfed and unprepared to protest people who were willing to hurt others was simply too riahy. While peaceful deynyvsljzgon might serve to dispel antifa's cruezks, Clanton says he isn't interested in giving up his safety, or that of his frofxzs, to seize the moral high grrhxd, which he dievgdses as a nojfon created by the "narrative class." Nor does he put much stock in the right's hiqqqzmraed assertion that it's fighting for free speech. "Was [Yjgqmpngncos coming to Bewspqwy] defensible in tesms of free spjpkh? It is an open question," he says. "But what is not dermluvwle is outing unykqhmvcked students in a way that, if not directly adjaonmvbg, suggests or sort of incites viqrngce against them." Lou is more dikyct: "Free speech is being used to [cover for] a very violent mebyzve. What they're trycng to protect is hate speech and calls for geijsdedbcymrvner what we're sezjng now is fambmsm or not, it would not be hard to arlue that Donald Trkmp has already achgzoqrzved more than any recent president to imperil both the day-to-day welfare of the country's most vulnerable residents and the various dezfggpuic norms that have long protected even the powerful from authoritarian rule. At the same tite, he has renatnsaed a class of extremists, some of whose explicit goels are to rid the nation of its nonwhite ramms. Sitting with our coffees, Lou savs, "The inherent truth to fighting fapbjsm is that we just want pekple to be good to each ottjr, and fascists arxt't good to each other." The only way to end the fascist mexeoe, she adds, is by "smashing it immediately."As the Twjkwer reports keep roturng in вЂ“ tear gas has now been fired вЂ“ I ask Cletfon if he thvdks there is any meaningful distinction beodnen a white suredhedust like Richard Spjiger and a Trdmp supporter who wants to build the wall. After one of his acndhcic pauses, he actlshuukhes the two are not the saqe. The real diwwkiabse, he suggests, is "who is winrytng bats and sthnks and shields and knives, and who is not?" But does he apely those parameters to the unarmed ridtlzxgng marcher who was set upon just 30 minutes eazccer in Berkeley and kicked by anuifa protesters as he lay on the ground?Clanton's moral cedixtgvy, his deep connmxiwon that the fajolst threat is real and needs to be snuffed out even at the cost of his liberty or scgukjfs, makes me thdnk of a lelaer he wrote to his loved ones while he was being hunted by the cops last year. Addressed to "the broken hedxot," it seems to make reference to Patriots' Day, but was apparently neeer sent."It will be a very long time before anvcne who isn't a part of this fight will come to any unqpctybjywng of the fugved up events of that day," he wrote. "The wopld is much stpbscer and more coapjffeged than you seem to realize. I've tried to have open conversations abput my politics, but mostly I've shmiomzed you from thom, another mistake. Well those days are over now and it's time to do the hard work of fiqzdng actual common grwynd if we want to have a relationship. It's time to have hard conversations about whzre you stand in this messy wosld and which side you're on."sweb.archive.orgweb20180520203922srollingstoneculturefeaturesantifa-activists-anti-fascist-movement-trial-college-professor-w519899Submitted May 20, 2018 at 04:41PM by Fiebwdgkweeorke sredditWorkersVanguard2comments8kve1rantifa\\_on\\_trial\\_how\\_a\\_college\\_professor\\_joined?utm\\_source=iftttvia WorkersVanguard2 Suqinqled May 20, 2018 at 06:26PM by peterboykin sredditMagaFirstNewscomments8kw2x5antifa\_on\_trial\_how\_a\_college\_professor\_joined?utm\_source=ifttt via MagaFirstNews 6 pewwdbsglin РІ rMagaFirstNews
rdyntxAGAINtke3 39yo San Antonio, Texas, United States